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Somali Articles




Calanyohow babanayaa
Caku dunida oo idil
Cidaan kugu masaala
Kula cayn dhigaayaa
Caalaamkaba ma joogtoo
Ciiltire ayaad tahay
Cadawgaa ma ciil baxo.

Naima Abwaan Qorane

Somaliland is a separatist enclave in Somalia that is ruled by former Somali National Movement (SNM) rebels who utilized the collapse of the central Somali government to declare an illegal one-sided secession from the Somali Republic. These former rebels turned politicians have no respect for international law, Human Right principles and customary Somali laws.

Despite holding elections funded by foreign powers that do not fully understand the Somaliland issue and unknowingly weaken Somali sovereignty, the behavior of the separatist leaders towards their captive residents falls far short of the principles of democratic norms. Freedom of speech and freedom of association are not respected in the enclave and anyone can lose his freedom easily for making public any personal views that come against the secessionist agenda of the enclave.

A well-trained and well-armed unit, again funded by the foreign powers for supposedly fighting against terrorists, is used against any resident perceived as a threat to the secessionist’s dogmatic hatred towards a united Somalia. The Rapid Response Unit (RRU) is accused of terrorizing dissidents in the middle of the night by breaking into their homes forcefully and without court orders. It happened to many individuals perceived as enemies of the state.

Ordinary citizens, musicians, poets and businesspeople – except for a few powerful ones such as the owners of the money transfer company Dahab-Shiil – who travel to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, risk being arrested and thrown in jail without due process. This happens mostly to young musicians and poets who show any signs of supporting Somali Unity.

Nimaan Hillaa, a well-known Somali musician, was recently chased all over his native town, Borame, by armed units of the RRU. The young musician is a Somali unionist who is known for powerful songs that promote Somali sovereignty and unity. He also holds regular concerts in Mogadishu that are very popular with the young Somalis even in the separatist enclave, Somaliland. Luckily, Nimaan managed to elude his would-be captors and escaped the dragnet of the RRU with the help of the Borame residents who mostly believe in Somali Unity but fear the wrath of the separatist’s powerful army which committed massacres in the city after the collapse of the Somali government in 1990. These atrocities are well-documented.

Another victim who tasted the wrath of the former SNM rebels is a social activist known as AbdiMalik Oldoon who travels to Mogadishu regularly to promote Greater Somalia. He spent several months in jail until president Guelleh of Djibouti interceded on his behalf with the separatist leaders to let him go. Abdimalik manages donations from the Somali Diaspora for helping the poor and the destitute who are forgotten by the Separatist administration which is crippled by corruption and nepotism. Instead of providing clean water and paved roads for the public, the separatist enclave spends most of its budget on bribing clan elders to support their secessionist agenda, and on bolstering its military machine.

A few days ago, the separatists, targeted a budding young poet known as Naima Qorane. Her poetry is about Somali unity and sovereignty. One of her most powerful poems is “Dood Qaran”, “A debate about the Nation”. Another powerful poem extols Farmajo, the current president of Somalia, to be true to his oath and to work on rebuilding the Somali State. Her poems are powerful and rousing.

A few days ago, Naima came back from Mogadishu, where she works, to visit her father who was undergoing a surgical procedure in Hargeisa, the capital of the separatist enclave. She was arrested at the airport on her return trip and taken directly to the Criminal Investigation Department HQ for interrogation. These jails have no proper facilities and can break the strongest of men. Ironically, Naima predicted her incarceration in an old interview and she declared her resolve to never give up her fight for Somali Unity no matter what. She was even threatened with bodily harm if she did not cease and desist from her call for Somali Unity.

The separatists fear poets and musicians the most since their words have the power to enlighten the thousands of Somaliland youth who have been brainwashed by the former SNM colonels running the show in Hargeisa. The separatists have been feeding their captive young people venomous thoughts about Somalis in the South who are portrayed as mortal enemies of Somaliland and its people and who are out to get them and destroy their enclave.

There is a symbol of hatred in Hargeisa in the form of an old MIG fighter that the long-gone regime of Siyad Barre used to bomb Hargeisa. The symbol is meant to remind the residents of Hargeisa about the ugly civil war that destroyed Hargeisa and rendered its residents refugees in camps across the border in Ethiopia which played a major role in the destruction of Somalia. The civil war was not confined to Hargeisa and its environs but affected the whole of Somalia. All Somalis suffered from the heavy-handedness of the Somali regime. Compare that to South Africa where the white minority that persecuted the black people for decades were in the end forgiven in the interest of moving forward. Only true leaders like Nelson Mandela are capable of such magnanimity and vision. In contrast, the separatist leaders want to hold a section of the Somali people hostages of hatred and vindictiveness.

In 2012, the author and a colleague nearly suffered the same fate as Naima when we attended a unionist conference in the historic town of Taleh, the old base for the Somali freedom fighters between 1899 and 1920 under the leadership of Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan who resisted British domination for 21 years and was finally defeated by the first aerial bombardment in Africa. On our way back, we travelled through a unionist town controlled by a local militia on the payroll of the separatist administration in Hargeisa. The local militia did not bother us since their loyalty to the separatist leaders in Hargeisa was based on the monthly salaries they received and was not based on the twisted ideology of breaking up the Somali Republic. When the separatist leadership in Hargeisa sent a contingent of soldiers to arrest us, the whole town came out to defend us and stood up to the separatist soldiers who fled the scene after a brief gun-fight to our relief. We continued our journey by doubling back through Puntland which gave us safe passage through Galkayo. Our only crime was to attend a conference that stood for Somali Unity and Integrity. The incident also shows the precarious support for the separatists in towns they claim to control.

On the same day that we were being stalked by the separatist forces, their main army attacked a unionist town called Buhodle. Hundreds of innocent kids lost their lives on both sides, but the separatists failed in their quest of capturing the town and bending its people to their ill-conceived separatist wishes. This incident shows that the separatists are ready to use force and shed Somali blood for achieving their goal of dismembering the Somali Republic.

Coming back to Naima and her predicament, the President of the Somali Republic and his Prime Minister remain silent about her illegal incarceration. Naima is in jail because of the Somali flag which they are bound to defend and uphold. The Somali government in Mogadishu should challenge the illegal action of the separatists and work on her unconditional and immediate release. They can engage third parties if need be. I remember a moving story about a Muslim lady who was insulted by a Roman ruler and thrown in jail. After the lady sought the help of the Muslim Caliph Al-Mutasim, the latter responded by demanding her immediate release and putting pressure on the Romans to let her go. The least that the Somali government can do is to say in a loud voice “Free Naima Qorane”.

Since she is a prisoner of conscience, International Human Right organizations should also take up her case and demand her immediate release.

Finally, we as Somali unionists who hail from Northern Somalia also demand the release of our daughter and sister Naima Ahmed Ibrahim Qorane who proudly calls herself “Naima Abwaan Qorane”, a reference to her father being a poet as well.

Ali H. Abdulla

Somali Articles

How Somalia’s charcoal trade is fuelling the Acacia’s demise




The Acacia bussei, a slow-growing hardwood, has long been the backbone of Somalia’s multimillion-dollar trade in charcoal.

For decades, the country struggled to implement a 1969 ban on charcoal and firewood exports. The gradual erosion of state institutions, which resulted in complete lawlessness and an outbreak of a full-fledged civil war in 1991, only further undermined the initiative.

The production and export of charcoal – an economic activity that dates to pre-colonial times – has long served to meet local and regional energy requirements as well as provide livelihoods opportunities for many families.

However, with the protracted conflict, weak law and order, vague rules over resource ownership, and a lack of alternative sources of energy and livelihoods, the last few decades have seen an increase in unsustainable charcoal production.

Consequently, the trade in charcoal has accelerated threats such as environmental degradation and conflict over the control of resultant revenue. Despite a 2012 UN Security Council ban on importing Somalia’s charcoal, the trade has continued apace: the market value of the exported commodity was estimated to be more than $250 million dollars over the two years following the ban.

Over-exploitation of the acacia for charcoal and fuelwood is a threat to livestock and the livelihoods of pastoralists. (Andy Hall/Oxfam)

Why should the environmental community care about the threat posed by charcoal?

A study by the Food and Agriculture Organization, in conjunction with the Somalia Water and Land Information System, estimated that there is a 5 per cent annual decline in the Acacia bussei due to felling. In 1996, the War-Torn Societies Project reported that northeastern Somalia was producing approximately 4.8 million sacks of charcoal annually. Such a volume would require the logging of nearly 2.1 million Acacia trees.

Consequently, with the deforestation and lack of replanting, the Acacia bussei was placed on the International Union for the Conservation of Nature’s Red List of threatened species.

For years, this evergreen, drought-tolerant indigenous tree has provided feedstock to pastoralists and helped them stay resilient to droughts. But with increased demands for charcoal, the Acacia bussei is becoming an impractical source of fodder. This has jeopardized the livelihoods of many pastoralists.

The losses due to such recurring droughts will only increase in the future: In a global ranking of vulnerability to the impacts of climate change, Somalia ranked 7th out of 233 countries and regions.

Following the Security Council ban, in 2016 various UN agencies, including the United Nations Development Programme, the Food and Agriculture Organization and UN Environment, launched an initiative to promote international cooperation in support of the ban.

The initiative, the UN Joint Programme for Sustainable Charcoal Reduction and Alternative Livelihoods, notes that due to the absence of an effective government, the country lacks adequate natural resource management and enforcement mechanisms. It calls for an in-depth assessment of its institutional capacity to address environmental degradation.

“Overcoming the challenges charcoal poses to the environment requires strengthening of institutions and the provision of alternative and sustainable livelihood opportunities. Natural resource-sharing and management mechanisms should be implemented in partnership with the Government of Somalia,” said Saidou Hamani, the coordinator of UN Environment’s work on resilience to disasters and conflicts in Africa.

Goma charcoal
The environmental challenges of charcoal production are not limited to Somalia. The thriving charcoal trade in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Virunga National Park, pictured above, is also a driver of deforestation. (UN Environment)

With the prevalent political instability, influential traders and militia groups – who do not engage in the charcoal production process – have infiltrated the charcoal distribution chain to extort income.

The value of the revenue has also been acknowledged by the Al-Shabaab extremists, who earn millions from this “black gold” and offer protection to export companies that are owned by the group’s ideological affiliates.

However, recent advances of the African Union Mission in Somalia troops, Kenyan, Ethiopian and Somali forces, have led to the recovery of territory from the Al-Shabaab group and appear to have halted the trade.

“Somalia has a huge opportunity to diversify its energy sources through reduction of reliance on charcoal and firewood in favour of alternatives like wind, solar, liquefied petroleum gas, biogas, hydro and high-efficiency thermal generation and distribution systems,” said Hamani.

Despite possessing untapped reserves of numerous natural resources such as uranium, iron ore, tin, gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt and natural gas, Somalia’s energy sector remains grossly under-developed. Organic plant and animal material provide over 95 per cent of primary energy for households either as firewood or charcoal.

The UN agencies hope to exploit the huge opportunity to div

Contact Oli Brown


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UAE is using local instability to sow discord in Somalia




Tensions between Somalia’s Federal Government (FGS) and Somaliland’s government have come to a head over a tripartite revenue-sharing agreement among the Republic of Somaliland, the Dubai-based company DP World, and the Ethiopian government, based on DP World’s management of a port in Berbera. (more…)

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Somali Articles

Civil strife in Ethiopia has the potential to destabilise the whole region




Ethiopia is experiencing ethnic and political tensions that could have far-reaching implications for its neighbors in the Horn of Africa, and beyond.

The Horn of Africa is among the most congested, eventful, and most volatile geopolitical intersections on earth. It is where the West meets the East in a highly competitive game of strategic positioning for economic or hegemonic advantage.

China and Turkey who, more or less, employ similar soft-power strategies have tangible investments in various countries in the region, including Ethiopia. However, the widespread discontent with Ethiopia’s repressive impulses and its ethnic favoritism that led to a particular ethnic minority (Tigray) to exclusively operate the state apparatus has inspired Arab Spring-like mass protests. These protests have caused serious rancor within the ruling party. It is only a matter of time before this haemorrhaging government might collapse.

So, who is likely to gain or lose from this imminent shockwave in the region’s balance of power?

The Nile Tsunami

Ethiopia — a country previously considered as a stable regional hegemon, a robust emerging market, and a reliable counter-terrorism partner — is on the verge of meltdown, if not long-term civil strife.

Today, the Ethiopian government is caught between two serious challenges of domestic and foreign nature: the Oromo/Amhara mass protests tacitly supported by the West, and the water rights conflict with Egypt, Sudan and Somalia.

Ethiopia is claiming the lion’s share on the Nile that runs through it and other rivers that flow from its highlands for the Grand Renaissance Dam – thus presenting existential threats to the connected nations.

For the third time in three years, the Shabelle River has dried up, putting millions of Somalis at risk of starvation.

But the current government is not ready for a substantive change of guard. The longer the mass protests continue and the minority-led government continues to offer artificial or symbolic gestures of prisoner releases — while declaring a second ‘state of emergency’ in two years— the faster Ethiopia will become destabilised and the faster foreign investments will fizzle away.

Worse — though seemingly unthinkable — the ‘favorite nation’ status granted to Ethiopia after becoming the US’ main partner in the global ‘War on Terroris’ is slowly corroding.

Despite this week’s visit from US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, the US State Department is gradually turning its back on Ethiopia for a number of reasons; chief among them, is its double-dealings on the South Sudan issue.

Despite the facade of US/China collaboration to end the South Sudan civil war, the geopolitical rivalry between these two giants has been pressuring Ethiopia to pledge exclusive allegiance to one over the other.

With China’s huge investments on Ethiopia, Sudan and South Sudan’s oil fields – making a choice won’t be too difficult.

The Kenya Factor

Several years ago I wrote an article arguing that the two most stable nations in the Horn (Kenya and Ethiopia) will become more unstable as Somalia becomes more stable.

Today, the Ethiopian government is facing the most serious threat since it took power by the barrel of the gun, and Kenya has a highly polarised population and two presidents ‘elected’ along clan lines.

Kenya — the nerve center of the international humanitarian industry — could just be one major incident away from inter-clan combustion.

The Somalia Factor

The Ethiopian government has launched a clandestine campaign of strategic disinformation intended to fracture or breakup opposition coalitions and recruit or lure potential comrades.

Ethiopian intelligence officers and members of the diplomatic corps together with some ethnic-Somali Ethiopians have been recruiting naive Somali government officials, intellectuals and activists with a Machiavellian disinformation campaign.

Meanwhile, IGAD — Ethiopia’s regional camouflage — calls for an open-borders agreement between member states. Despite broad-based public perception that for a fragile state like Somalia, such an agreement would be tantamount to annexation, some Somali politicians are eagerly carrying its banner.

These kinds of desperate campaigns and the abrupt resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn only underscore the fact that the government’s days are numbered.

The Sudan Factor

Sudan is caught in a loyalty triangle (Ethiopia, Egypt and Turkey) with competing powers. Sudan needs Egypt to address threats faced by the two nations regarding the diminishing access to the Nile by reasserting rights granted through the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty.

It needs Ethiopia to protect China’s economic partnership and to shield President Omar al Bashir from Western harassment through IGAD.

It also needs Turkey for development and for a long-term strategic partnership. Sudan has become the second country in Africa to grant Turkey a military base, with Somalia being the first.

The Eritrea Factor

When neocons dominated US foreign policy and the global ‘War on Terror’ was the order of all orders, Eritrea was slapped with sanctions. It was accused of being the primary funder and weapons supplier to al Shabab.

Today, though neither the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia or Eritrea nor any expert free from Ethiopian influence holds such a view, yet the sanctions have not been lifted.

The Ethiopian lobby and certain influential elements within US foreign policy-making circles continue to label Eritrea as a Marxist rogue state that undermines regional institutions such as IGAD and international ones like the UN Security Council; a closed society that espouses a deep rooted hatred towards the West.

Against that backdrop, the UAE has been investing heavily in Eritrea since 2015 or the beginning of the Yemen war that has created one of the the worst humanitarian disasters. The Emirati military (and its Academi/Blackwater shadow) now operates from a military base in Assab. Whether that’s a Trojan Horse or not, is a different discussion altogether.

Ins And Outs

The current wave of discontent against the Ethiopian government is likely to continue. But, considering how the Tigray has a total control on all levers of power, a transition of power will not be an easy process.

Ethiopia is also rumoured to have created an ethnically Somali counterinsurgency force in the Liyu Police. This ruthless force has already been used against the Oromos as they were used against Somalis of various regions that share a border with Ethiopia.

The extrajudicial killings and human rights violations are well documented. Despite all this, the Oromo and Amhara are set to reach their objectives albeit with bruised and bloody faces.

Will their coalition remain or, due to their historical distrust, will each eventually invoke its constitutional right to secede?

Whatever the outcome, any scenario of civil war or chaos in Ethiopia could put the entire Horn in danger and create a potential humanitarian catastrophe, especially in Somalia.

Meanwhile South Sudan is a lightyear away from sustainable political reconciliation especially since the foreign elements fueling the fire are not likely to stop any time soon. Djibouti remains the host of the most intriguing geopolitical circus. So, that leaves Eritrea as an island of stability in the region.

In the foreseeable future, Turkey could divest her investment out of Ethiopia into Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea. China will diversify her portfolio to include Eritrea. And the US — with no new policy — will continue droning her way through geopolitical schizophrenia.


Abukar Arman is a Somali political analyst, writer and former Special Envoy to the United States. Arman is also a widely published foreign policy specialist, writing extensively on Somalia and international political affairs.

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